Xia Li
In the leading precis, Scholar David Lopez Garcia raised some questions regarding the extent and mechanisms that social movements achieve to influence policy-making, whether the ‘movement infrastructure’ of social movements help or hamper the movements’ goals, with occupy movement as the analytical case. Instead of using the occupy movement, I choose the most recent social movements in South Korea as my case study to answer these questions in this precis. Similar as Henneth Andrews’ focus on political movements and institutional outcomes, the center of attention of this precis is how political movements lead to certain changes in political system and political outcomes, rather than success.
Since October 26, 2016, a series of protests against President Park Geun-hye have occurred throughout South Korea after She was found to have undisclosed links to Choi Soon-sil, a woman with no security clearance and no official position. [1] The protesters called for the resignation of Park Geun-hye. After two public apologies for the scandal and refusing to resign in the first place, According the most updated news, Present Park Geun-hye was willing to resign before her term ends in a five-minute televised address to South Korea on Tuesday. [2]However, opposition lawmakers and civic groups denounced her speech as a delaying tactic to buy time and avoid impeachment.
Present Park Geun-hye’s wiliness to resign does not indicate the protesters has achieved the goal of their social movements because what the people wanted was her immediate resignation. However, her compromise is one important political outcome of this social movement. Andrew (2001) examines the political movements and institutional outcomes, and claims that political movements involve a sustained challenge to existing power relations. They use disruptive, non-routine tactics that publicly challenge the distribution and uses of power in society (p 72). There are some especial strategies that cannot be found anywhere else that are being employed by the protesters during the past few weeks. First, these demonstrations are well-organized with civil groups as the organizers and hundreds of volunteers to facilitate these rallies. Second, the protests were peaceful and marked by huge candle-lit. Third, and the most specific, is that famous rock bands, singers performed at the stages and music was played to entertain a diverse crowed of students, young people and white office workers. If it was not for the bright red signs, large banner with “revolution” or chants of “Park Geun-hye resign”, it is hard to connect the lively scene with a state of protest. Yet, it is these famous bands and singers, activists motivate the young people to join the big ‘festival’ and create a huge pressure on the government.
Andrew (2011) provides four divergent views on movements and outcomes, among which Action/Reaction Models and Movement Infrastructure Model explain well the political outcome of social movements in South Korea. Action/Reaction Models display mobilization has the potential to leverage change through its impact on political elites, electoral coalitions or public opinion. This mobilization happens through two scenarios 1) Disruption – movements are threatening to elites which requires a rapid response of either concessions or repression 2) Persuasion - movements are dramatic and generate support from third parties that take up the cause of the movement. The social movements in South Korea demonstrated both scenarios (74). To begin with, the rallies and protests have threatened both political elites and economic elites. Some of Park Geun-hye’ government officials have been forced to resigned. The ultimate goal is to force Park Geun=hye resign, which we have to wait and see. Secondly, the opposition parties have taken steps to form an impeachment bill. Meanwhile some lawmakers from her party are also expressing their support for opposing parties on the impeachment bill. All of these outcomes are directly caused or affected by the series of protests.
The Movement Infrastructure Model emphasizes three components of a movement’s infrastructure: leadership, organizational structure and resources. The social movements in South Korea can have such huge influence on the political outcomes because they have professional civil groups that organize these protests. These civil groups also have informal and formal networks with government and opposition parties, which make sure the public requirements can be heard and responded. These civil groups or organizations have existed and organized many movements, thus have developed their organizational structure to adapt the new environment and had valuable experiences to demonstrate the public needs and attract both the Media and the public and most important, the government attention.
To sum up, in this precis, I discuss the influences of social movements not on the policy making process but the political outcomes. I adopt the social movements in South Korea as the example to show that the strategies employed by Korean protesters to enlarge their influences. The two scenarios in Action / Reaction Models - disruption and persuasion – can been seen from process of the social movements. The leadership of civil groups which are well structured and have the vital connections with government assure again that these protests are powerful enough to change the political map in South Korea.
[1] 2016 South Korean political scandal. November 2016. Wikipedia
[2] Choe Sang-HUN, Park Geun-hye, Embatted South Korean President, Says She’s Willing to Resign. The New York Times. Nov.29, 2016
Since October 26, 2016, a series of protests against President Park Geun-hye have occurred throughout South Korea after She was found to have undisclosed links to Choi Soon-sil, a woman with no security clearance and no official position. [1] The protesters called for the resignation of Park Geun-hye. After two public apologies for the scandal and refusing to resign in the first place, According the most updated news, Present Park Geun-hye was willing to resign before her term ends in a five-minute televised address to South Korea on Tuesday. [2]However, opposition lawmakers and civic groups denounced her speech as a delaying tactic to buy time and avoid impeachment.
Present Park Geun-hye’s wiliness to resign does not indicate the protesters has achieved the goal of their social movements because what the people wanted was her immediate resignation. However, her compromise is one important political outcome of this social movement. Andrew (2001) examines the political movements and institutional outcomes, and claims that political movements involve a sustained challenge to existing power relations. They use disruptive, non-routine tactics that publicly challenge the distribution and uses of power in society (p 72). There are some especial strategies that cannot be found anywhere else that are being employed by the protesters during the past few weeks. First, these demonstrations are well-organized with civil groups as the organizers and hundreds of volunteers to facilitate these rallies. Second, the protests were peaceful and marked by huge candle-lit. Third, and the most specific, is that famous rock bands, singers performed at the stages and music was played to entertain a diverse crowed of students, young people and white office workers. If it was not for the bright red signs, large banner with “revolution” or chants of “Park Geun-hye resign”, it is hard to connect the lively scene with a state of protest. Yet, it is these famous bands and singers, activists motivate the young people to join the big ‘festival’ and create a huge pressure on the government.
Andrew (2011) provides four divergent views on movements and outcomes, among which Action/Reaction Models and Movement Infrastructure Model explain well the political outcome of social movements in South Korea. Action/Reaction Models display mobilization has the potential to leverage change through its impact on political elites, electoral coalitions or public opinion. This mobilization happens through two scenarios 1) Disruption – movements are threatening to elites which requires a rapid response of either concessions or repression 2) Persuasion - movements are dramatic and generate support from third parties that take up the cause of the movement. The social movements in South Korea demonstrated both scenarios (74). To begin with, the rallies and protests have threatened both political elites and economic elites. Some of Park Geun-hye’ government officials have been forced to resigned. The ultimate goal is to force Park Geun=hye resign, which we have to wait and see. Secondly, the opposition parties have taken steps to form an impeachment bill. Meanwhile some lawmakers from her party are also expressing their support for opposing parties on the impeachment bill. All of these outcomes are directly caused or affected by the series of protests.
The Movement Infrastructure Model emphasizes three components of a movement’s infrastructure: leadership, organizational structure and resources. The social movements in South Korea can have such huge influence on the political outcomes because they have professional civil groups that organize these protests. These civil groups also have informal and formal networks with government and opposition parties, which make sure the public requirements can be heard and responded. These civil groups or organizations have existed and organized many movements, thus have developed their organizational structure to adapt the new environment and had valuable experiences to demonstrate the public needs and attract both the Media and the public and most important, the government attention.
To sum up, in this precis, I discuss the influences of social movements not on the policy making process but the political outcomes. I adopt the social movements in South Korea as the example to show that the strategies employed by Korean protesters to enlarge their influences. The two scenarios in Action / Reaction Models - disruption and persuasion – can been seen from process of the social movements. The leadership of civil groups which are well structured and have the vital connections with government assure again that these protests are powerful enough to change the political map in South Korea.
[1] 2016 South Korean political scandal. November 2016. Wikipedia
[2] Choe Sang-HUN, Park Geun-hye, Embatted South Korean President, Says She’s Willing to Resign. The New York Times. Nov.29, 2016